Why does mitt romney hate britain

This has been interpreted as an attack on Democratic House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, who has said she prays for Mr Trump and was sat four seats from him as he questioned the sincerity of her faith. You're never getting rid of that scar. Mr Trump will make an address to the nation regarding his impeachment later on Thursday. Author Anne Coulter called Mr Romney a "useful idiot" for Democrats, adding that he is "now finished in national politics".

Fine, Republicans, do the cowardly thing, but please stop demanding that we admire your courage. Florida Senator Rick Scott tweeted that his colleague "is wrong".

And he will ultimately be judged by the voters of Utah. It looks like Schiff recruited himself a sore loser buddy on the GOP side to play along. Mr Romney's own former campaign spokesman, Rick Gorka, said his old boss was "motivated by bitterness and jealousy".

Sam Nunberg, a former adviser to Trump's presidential campaign, rhetorically asked if Mr Romney was "making a last ditch effort to become" the Democratic nominee. Radio host Mark Levin tweeted: "He'll be seen for what he is: a petty, self-promoting, NeverTrumper who has contributed to the Radical Democrats' assault on the Constitution.

In building his foreign-policy and national-security teams, Bush drew from each of the party's competing foreign-policy camps. Most prominently standing in for the hard-line nationalists were Vice President Dick Cheney, a Wyoming native whose mild demeanor belied a bone-deep conservatism, and John Bolton, a favorite of Jesse Helms who served under Bush as a top arms-control official at the State Department and later as ambassador to the United Nations.

He was so openly disdainful of both arms control and the world body that the Senate refused to confirm him as ambassador, and he was seated under a recess appointment. No one knows how Bush might have used the dynamic tension between those camps to forge a new Republican narrative. Bush himself revealed this in his January State of the Union address, in which he declared that the war on terrorism would be global and go far beyond targeting Al Qaeda in Afghanistan.

Evoking an image of America anointed by God to confront a spreading evil around the world, preemptively and unilaterally if need be, Bush also put nations seeking weapons of mass destruction an "axis of evil" that included North Korea, Iraq and Iran directly in the U. While Bush's speech played well in the U. The American superpower, fresh from "victory" in Afghanistan, now was brandishing its sword at rejectionist nations, with almost no consultation with allies or coalition partners.

The Bush neoconservatives believed that American ideals and the U. From that vision flowed other elements of the Bush doctrine: a focus on coercion and regime change, preventive war and unilateral action masked by ad hoc "coalitions of the willing.

As former national-security adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski told me at the time, "After victory in the Cold War, a number of 'grand visions' competed conceptually for preeminence in the United States, and one of them was the neoconservative vision. President Bush adopted their worldview. This worldview yielded a costly and unpopular preventive war in Iraq, the spread of anti-Americanism worldwide and a pronounced decline of trust in the quality of U.

For perhaps the first time in the modern era, even close U. The eventual result was that top neoconservatives and hard-liners who stoked the ideological fires and steered foreign policy in the first Bush term, winning the president to their cause in the process, were shown the door during his second term including Paul Wolfowitz, Douglas Feith, Richard Perle, Scooter Libby and Donald Rumsfeld.

The second Bush term was driven by the more cautious and moderate vision of Republican realists and liberal internationalists, most notably Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and Secretary of Defense Robert Gates.

They attempted to mend ties with bruised Western allies, engaged in negotiations even with "evil regimes" in North Korea and Iran, and reinserted the United States into the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a mediator. This won the derision of neoconservatives. Now Mitt Romney must reconcile the tensions between these competing foreign-policy camps. That will require, first, the rendering of a verdict on the Bush years. The neoconservatives who dominated Bush's first term, unrepentant about the Iraq War, continue to argue for greater American assertiveness against adversaries such as Iran and military support for democratic revolutions in places such as Libya and Syria.

Tea Party hard-liners remain suspicious of entangling alliances, arms-control treaties and institutions of global governance such as the United Nations, while the evangelicals among them have a visceral connection to the Israeli Right. Mead sees the party factions competing to enlist the Jacksonian tea partiers as foot soldiers in their particular causes. He adds:. My reading of the popular psychology is that the neoconservatives will win that competition by providing the foreign-policy strategy and political language that attracts very threat-sensitive Jacksonian populists.

If I'm right, the Republican foreign policy that emerges from this election will favor global engagement, assertive interactions in the Middle East and a large military budget. In other words, the tea partiers will back the neoconservative worldview that dominated the first Bush term. What is perhaps most notable about that shift, however, is the degree to which more moderate Republican realists and liberal internationalists feel increasingly marginalized in a party that continues to move markedly to the right.

Brent Scowcroft, a lifelong Republican who served in the Gerald Ford and Bush 41 presidencies, notes that there always have been strident people in American politics, but in the past there were a greater number willing to aim for cooperation and compromise.

Now his party has embraced the Newt Gingrich approach of "rote opposition and 'just say no,'" says Scowcroft, who calls this approach "grossly dysfunctional.

Romney's task of articulating a Republican foreign-policy narrative is complicated also by Obama's deftness in occupying the middle ground of liberal internationalism, most obviously evidenced by his decision to keep Robert Gates on as defense secretary. To draw clear distinctions with the Obama record, Romney has attacked the president from the right while embracing Ronald Reagan's "peace through strength" rhetoric.

That explains both Romney's endorsement of major increases in defense spending and the size of the military even as the nation ends two ground wars and his criticism of Obama as weak and conciliatory toward adversaries.

In Romney's narrative, Obama's outreach to the Islamic world and talk about past U. Romney has focused his most intense criticism at Obama's pressure on Israel to end settlement expansion in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem as a way to bring Palestinians back to the negotiating table. Successive Democratic and Republican administrations going back decades have opposed settlements, but Romney argues that Obama's approach amounts to "[throwing] Israel under the bus. Bush took in his first term.

Regarding great-power relations, Romney also has taken a hard line, criticizing the Obama administration's "reset" in relations with Moscow and tolerance of China's unfair trade practices. They fight every cause for the world's worst actors," Romney told CNN. And Romney has threatened to label Beijing a "currency manipulator" on his first day in office if the communist regime continues to refuse to float its currency against the dollar.

It's obvious why both countries' media jumped on the gaffes: They offered an easy-to-digest politics story with an Olympics angle that allowed the British media to attack a Republican politician that they are predisposed to dislike and gave the American media a politics story during a relatively slow period.

In the long run, however, the negative coverage isn't going to take a toll on the presumptive Republican presidential nominee, according to Nathan Gonzales, Deputy Editor of the Rothenberg Political Report.

We're in a period of time where not much is going to change until we get to the debates. Dan Schnur, Director of the Jesse M. The Romney staff was insular and arrogant, and his campaign strategy team led by Stu Stevens and Russ Schriefer was simply abysmal. The sea of Romney ads never did emerge that September. I thought perhaps this was just the Florida strategy. Dissing Hispanics As the elections of , , , and now have demonstrated, demographics are trumping ideology in national elections.

The Republican Party has a difficult time grasping this concept. Consider that Obama reneged on his promise to Hispanics to make their concerns a priority. The one Hispanic group that has voted consistently for Republicans, that is, Cuban-Americans, gave Obama a record number of votes this year. The facts show the claim is not true. The success Romney did achieve was due to their support.

Soon we will, correctly, move on. The GOP will learn from this debacle. The Republican Party might start the process with an image makeover — putting away the Wall Street look in favor of a Main Street one — while it takes back the mantle of Lincoln; a party that fights for the underdog and appeals to the aspirations of the American people.

This article first appeared in Newsmax. Note: This article gives the views of the author, and not the position of the British Politics and Policy blog, nor of the London School of Economics. Please read our comments policy before posting. Chris is an alumnus of the London School of Economics, where he took an M. Sc in Public Policy. What about real concerns with your people? Shame on you. This is a nice piece about Romney and a realistic assessment of where his campaign went wrong, even though you ignore the problems with his ground game.